It therefore includes texts and studies about the literary, historical, cultural, and religious milieu of Lollardy as well as texts specifically about the heresy itself. [Birgitta was canonized in 1391 when the Lollard movement was heating up, but the paper mostly concerns the defenses of Birgitta by Mathias of Linköping and Alfonso of Jaén.] Emblom, Margaret. [This study is especially interesting for the detailed descriptions it gives of women and the reading communities they belonged to. “Lollardy and Late Medieval History.” Bose and Hornbeck 121-134. “Žižka’s Drum: The Political Uses of Popular Religion.” . With reference to select sermons, the Lanterne of Liȝt, and the trial of John Falks, the essay explores the potential for “new formalism” to complement and enrich the historical study of Lollardy.] Gellrich, Jesse. Analyzing the interrogations of Margery Kempe, Anne Askew, Marian Protestant women, Margaret Clitherow, and Quakers Katherine Evans and Sarah Cheevers, the book examines the complex dynamics of women’s writing, preaching, and authorship under separate regimes of religious persecution and censorship.”] —. [According to the abstract, this study “tells the story of early modern women’s preaching: how it was suppressed, and the unexpected places where it broke out. [“A governing argument of this chapter will be that the spheres of academic speculation and extra-mural religiosity across a range of social classes affected each other in ways that disable” a traditional polarity between what have been term an academic “Wycliffism” and a popular “lollardy” outside of the university. “Wycliffite ‘Affiliations’: Some Intellectual-Historical Perspectives.” Bose and Hornbeck 13-32. “Texts for a Poor Church: John Wyclif and the Decretals.” 20.1 (Feb. [This article focuses on papal decretals and English religious reformer John Wyclif’s views on it. A final chapter, which includes analyses of works by Chaucer, Hoccleve, and related writers, proposes far-reaching revisions to current histories of the arts of composition in medieval England.”] Scattergood, V. (on 50-54) in which Cole, dating the text to the mid- to late 1380s, argues that it comprises part of the contemporary re-invention of lollardy. Probably direct influence cannot be proven, but at least there is a striking parallelism between Martynas Mažvydas and John Wycliffe in the rendering of the Decalogue.” Schmalsteig examines this parallelism via a linguistic analysis.] Schofield, A. It differs from other studies by arguing that the subject cannot be understood simply by asking theological questions about people’s beliefs, but must be understood by asking political questions about how they negotiated with state power. Šmahel gives an annotated list of the various earliest manuscripts of official . It is certainly true that Wyclif is extremely vocal and insistent about his realism, but it is not obvious that the actual content of his view is especially extreme. “Penances Imposed on Kentish Lollards by Archbishop Warham 1511-12.” Aston and Richmond 229-249.

This list is divided alphabetically into four roughly equal parts: A-D, E-J, K-P, and R-Z. “‘I Herd an Harping on a Hille’: Its Text and Context.” . Since many of the women she describes are orthodox, this book also illustrates the range of belief and practice along the continuum from orthodox to heterodox. [In response to the increasingly interdisciplinary study of Lollardy, Forrest explores how “lollard studies” have diverged from the disciplinary study of medieval history. “Heresy Inquisition and Authorship, 1400-1560.” Flannery and Walker 130-145. “Trying Testimony: Heresy, Interrogation and the English Woman Writer, 1400—1670.” Ph. It argues that women writers turned discourses meant to incriminate them to their own instructional purposes. 1438), Protestant reformer Anne Askew (d.1546), and Quakers Katherine Evans (d.1692) and Sarah Cheevers (fl. “The very shape of what emerged as ‘Lollardy,’ as well as ‘orthodoxy,’ was determined by the very rich . [Ghosh analyzes the combination of scholastic discourse and anti-academic polemic in a Wycliffite treatise on the Eucharist (De oblacione iugis sacrifcii), placing the treatise in the context a larger fifteenth-century debate over the appropriate method and style for theological writing, given its widening audience.] —. Wyclif did not summarily dismiss the contents of those thirteenth- and fourteenth-century collections of papal letters which began with Gregory IX’s 1234 Liber Extra. Scattergood argues that Cole probably dates the text too early.] —. [Scattergood examines ways in which, unlike other lollards, Oldcastle “was a special case. “An English Version of Some Events in Bohemia During 1434.” . [While this book does not discuss Wyclif or his contemporaries directly, it gives a very helpful discussion of many of this issues, such as the varieties and effects of different kinds of pardons, which play out in the texts of the later fourteenth century.] Shagan, Ethan. Therefore, it concerns political as well as religious history, since it asserts that, even at the popular level, political and theological processes were inseparable in the sixteenth century.”] Shepherd, Stephen. The paper distinguishes two common medieval notions of a universal, the Aristotelian/ Porphyrian one in terms of predication and the Boethian one in terms of being metaphysically common to many.

It would be a foolish student who referred to (for instance) Gairdner’s century-old study of “Lollardy and the Reformation” for accurate knowledge about the movement. La doctrine eucharistique de Jean Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 87-112. “The Hungarian-speaking Hussites of Moldavia and Two English Episodes in their History.” 4.1 (May 2006): 3-24. 2) The second part deals with two semantic and metaphysical implications of the ‘pan-propositionalism’: (a) the extended notion of being (ampliatio entis) called upon to explain the truth of so-called non-standard propositions (e.g. “From Sacred Mystery to Divine Deception: Robert Holkot, John Wyclif and the Transformation of Fourteenth-Century Eucharistic Discourse.” 29.2 (2005): 129-44. [“Credulity,” or “the gullibility of an unletters populace” about the “controlling rhetoric of the church,” is a recurrent them in Marsilio of Padua, William of Ockham, and John Wyclif. Then we will examine his views on sin, grace, merit, justification, faith, and predestination, all within the larger medieval context. “Wyclif’s Eden: Sex, Death, and Dominion.” Bose and Hornbeck 59-78. This idea in itself is not opposed to a conceptualist account of language.

Start instead with Hudson’s 1988 study of Thomas Netter as a Resource for Contemporary Theology.” Bergström-Allen and Copsey 335-361. “Christ’s Humanity and Piers Plowman: Contexts and Political Implications.” Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2000. “The Sacrament of the Altar in Piers Plowman and the Late Medieval Church in England.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 63-80. We must not begin our reading of the poem with the assumption that to set aside the dominant, orthodox representation of the sacrament of the altar is to set aside sacramental theology and the sacrament of the alter–even if that is what orthodox polemic was not claiming” (65, 67).] —. The developments that led to their eventual demise are discussed. Language exists as a material reality because it is a form of social behavior” (1). “Intentionality and Truth-Making: Augustine’s Influence on Burley and Wyclif’s Propositional Semantics.” 45 (2007): 283-97. Throughout , Wyclif rejects the doctrine of transubstantiation because it seems to turn God into a liar. “The Lollards’ Threefold Biblical Agenda.” Bose and Hornbeck 211-226. “University College, Oxford, MS 97 and its Relationship to the Simeon Manuscript (British Library Add. At once constituting heterodoxy and masking it, their discussions of credulity urge a great public awareness of discourse and provide a rhetoric to that end.” Grudin concludes the article with a discussion of credulity in several Canterbury tales.] Gurevich, Aaron. [“This article discusses the difficulty in teaching and translating works by authors Margery Kempe and Julian of Norwich. “English Biblical Texts Before Lollardy and their Fate.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 141-53. [On Partridge’s “Notebook,” describing the contents of the manuscript and how it reveals his turn towards “favouring heretical, Lollard opinions” (44).] —. Furthermore, we will see that Wyclif most often presents a God who is at once just and merciful, extending grace and the possibility of salvation to all” (279-80). “John Wyclif: Christian Patience in a Time of War.” 66.2 (June 2005): 330-357. Minnis characterizes its subject matter as a typical subject of inquiry for scholastic theologians and often compares Wyclif’s views on bodily pleasure, death, and dominion to Aquinas’ writings.] Moessner, Lilo. Wyclif, on the other hand, reads much into the requirement that all our linguistic distinctions should have their basis in extramental reality: our conceptualisations not only pertain to individual substances, but also parallel their distinct ontic layers.”] Spufford, P. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005. [Stanbury situates Chaucer’s representation of images within the Lollard image debate.] —. Katherine, Knighton’s Lollards, and the Breaking of Idols.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 131-50. How [Stanbury asks] was the drama of the image shaped by contemporary discourses about images as 46.1 (2015): 249-76. “Inventing Legality: Documentary Culture and Lollard Preaching.” .

[“This chapter examines three episodes from the life of the Blessed Virgin which Thomas Netter uses to illustrate various points in his arguments with the Lollards” (335).] —. According to the abstract, “from his death in 1430 until the middle of the eighteenth century, Netter was a much-quoted and copied author whose exposition of Catholic teaching on subjects such as the Church, religious life, and the sacraments proved useful to many Counter-Reformation polemicists and apologists. [Aers is primarily concerned with Langland, but uses Lollardy at several points. “John Wyclif: Poverty and the Poor.” 17 (2003): 55-72. The evidence that the prominent English Wycliffe and a leader of the Hussite movement in Bohemia, Peter Payne, stayed among them between 14 is also reviewed. “Material language practice” includes various choices writers make (about diction, genre, etc.), and Barr examines a variety of texts to show how later medieval writers deployed these practices to produce social commentary. “The Deafening Silence of Lollardy in the Digby Lyric.” Bose and Hornbeck 243-260. [“Walter Burley (1275-c.1344) and John Wyclif (1328-1384) follow two clearly stated doctrinal options: on the one hand, they are realists and, on the other, they defend a correspondence theory of truth that involves specific correlates for true propositions, in short: truth-makers. If God could separate accidents from their proper substances, make Christ’s body appear like mere bread, Wyclif doubts we could ever be sure of anything. [Based on comments in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Dove describes the Lollards’ biblical agenda as threefold: “to enable simple people to have the Bible (or access to it), to understand it, and to live in accordance with it.” This essay primarily discusses the issue of understanding scripture, comparing statements on literal and figurative interpretation in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible with other Middle English treatises on biblical translation, including The Holi Prophete Dauid.] Doyle, A. “Books Connected with the Vere Family and Barking Abbey.” n.s. “Heresy and Literacy: Evidence of the Thirteenth-century Exempla.” Biller and Hudson 104-111. “Richard Rolle’s English Psalter and the Making of a Lollard Tract.” 33 (2002): 294-309. The article suggests that modern readers are unfamiliar with mysticism and that college students would be better served to learn about both authors in a British literature survey course. “Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 647 and its Use, c.1410-2010.” In . [Wyclif was well acquainted with the medieval traditions of just war and crusading articulated by theologians and canon lawyers. [Minnis finds insufficient influence of Nominalism (defined as modern critics have used the term) on Chaucer. [Considers two questions asked of Brut, “whether women are suitable ministers to confect the sacrament of the Eucharist,” and “whether women confect or can confect as true priests the sacrament of the Eucharist” (92). “Translation Strategies in Middle English: The Case of the Wycliffite Bible.” , arguing that they “serve as a call to conversion” (24). “Conciliarism and Heresy in England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 155-165. “The Comparative Mobility and Immobility of Lollard Descendants in Early Modern England.” Spufford 309-31. [Staley’s fascinating work on the relationship between history and literature in the later middle ages turns here to reading, as she says, “the ways in which late-fourteenth-century English writers used, analyzed, and altered the languages of power. [Stanbury begins with Knighton’s description of the 1382 Lollard burning of an statue of St. [Stavsky examines how Wyclif and Wycliffite writers explicated and employed the story of Susanna and the Elders, paying special attention to the politics of such writing, especially manifested in their images of community.

The Secondary Sources are not subdivided by discipline because it has proven impossible to find categories which do anything but confuse rather than clarify the content of the sources. For more help, see Pitard, “A Selected Bibliography for Lollard Studies,” indexed under “Bibliographies and Indices” on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. Lollardy appears in the circle of readers around Margery de Nerford. Considering trends in scholarship on religious orthodoxy, the history of late medieval England, and the history of late medieval Europe, he proposes directions for future research.] —. 1663) show these women refashioning the courtroom audience into a congregation responsive to their clerical skills. [According to Ghosh, “one of the main reasons for Lollardy’s sensational resonance for its times, and for its immediate posterity, was its exposure of fundamental problems in late-medieval academic engagement with the Bible, its authority and its polemical uses. “Logic, Scepticism, and ‘Heresy’ in Early-Fifteenth Century Europe: Oxford, Vienna, Constance.” Denery, Ghosh, and Zeeman 261-83. “Wyclif and the Independence of the Church in England.” 95-119. “The Mole in the Vineyard: Wyclif at Syon in the Fifteenth Century.” Barr and Hutchinson 129-62. In fact, he thought certain texts were quite sound, and he conceded that the pope does have the right to pass laws for the good of the Church, providing that such statutes are in keeping with Holy Scripture. ” Erasing Oldcastle: Some Literary Reactions to the Lollard Rising of 1414.” . “A Wycliffite Bible Possibly Owned by Sir Henry Spelman and Ole Worm.” 55.3: (Sept. [“The article explores the probable provenance of MS 7 at Bridewell Library in Dallas, Texas. On neither approach does Wyclif ‘s theory of universals postulate new and non-standard entities besides those recognized by more usual versions of realism. [This book argues that documentary culture (including charters, testaments, patents and seals) enabled writers to think in new ways about the conditions of textual production in late Medieval England.

This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.

Specifically, she outlines “some of the fundamental questions about method raised by Netter’s use of St. “Reversing the Life of Christ: Dissent, Orthodoxy, and Affectivity in Late Medieval England.” Johnson and Westphall 55-77. [According to the abstract, “This dissertation points to the ambitious nature of Pecock’s comprehensive program for lay education, investigating the reasons why Pecock felt so strongly about the need for his rational, philosophical texts among pious lay readers. Chapter four focuses on the relations that Pecock envisions between members of this textual community . Lacking nothing, man originally had a perfect constitution and a natural dominion on all creatures, planned to serve God’s glory. Cole points out that Langland’s use of “loller(e)” in the C-text may seem “late, inapposite, and idiosyncratic” because modern critics have romanticized 1382 as the originary “moment of heresiogenesis” (25). It also demonstrates its allegiance to orthodox eucharistic theology and the terms of its account of the judge’s conversion. At the foundation of this unwieldy poem lies distinct philosophical assumptions that hearken back to orthodox, realist sources and positions, expressed most relevantly to Chaucer’s interests and time period in Boethius’s in particular. He argues that because Netter and others distort Wyclif’s beliefs, scholars too often read Wyclif’s works through “the lens of heresy” and disregard his more conventional theology.] Lewald, Ernst Anton. Nach den Quellen dargestellt und Kritische beleuchtet.” 88 (Winter/Spring 2009): 1-23. Scholastic theologians developed a distinct attitude toward textual meaning in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries which departed significantly from earlier trends. According to Ocker, “This was a conservative century for the church, marked by reactions to Hussites and Wycliffites and by attempts to restore the papal monarchy and adapt to the encroaching impossibility of papal temporal influence outside Italy” (488).] Odlozilík, Otakar. “A Controversy on Confirmation: Thomas Netter of Walden and Wyclif.” Bergström-Allen and Copsey 317-332. “‘Grammaticus Ludens’: Theological Aspects of Langland’s Grammatical Allegory.” . Pearsall argues that artistic clarity and “local economy of expression” (16), not disavowal, motivated changes to the B-text. 1 By providing regular times and subjects for prayer, along with advice for Christian living according to a three-estates model, ‘A Schort Reule of Lif’ appealed to a growing lay desire for more structured forms of devotion.

[Bose investigates how Wycliffite and other reformist writers used the life of Christ to “anchor, define, and legitimize” their positions, describing Christ’s vita as common discursive ground for scholastic theologians. [A commentary on Wyclif and studies of his life just before the quincentary of his death. In the play, Falstaff represents a reformationist distrust of the image and reflects. “Reginald Pecock’s vision of religious education for ‘alle cristen peple’ in fifteenth-century England.” Ph. The first two chapters examine continuities between the sophisticated religious prose of the late fourteenth century and Pecock’s corpus in terms of the way that these works sought to influence the pious laity through instruction on devotional practices . This state is used as a standard of measure of the fallen man’s condition. He goes on to argue that Lollardy emerges from Wycliffism, but it also goes beyond “a set of classifiable (and condemnable) beliefs” (27), offering a kind of “generic consistency” for texts, both Wycliffite and not, written both before and after 1382.] —. Moreover, it suggests how its orthodoxy is constructed through its baptismal aspects.”] —. Standing on the firm ground of Augustinian realism, Wyclif disputes the modern logicians, who refute the existence of universals and thus chip away at the foundations of the Christian faith. [Lollards adapted the content of some orthodox works, including commentaries on the basics of the faith. [Mc Cormack discusses passages in which lollardy is mentioned or alluded to in Chaucer’s works, and reviews critical commentary on these passages.] —. Their attitude tended to erode the distinction, emphasized by the scholars of St. “Wyclif’s Influence upon Central and Eastern Europe.” New Brunswick: Rutgers Univ. [O’Donnell outlines Wyclif’s argument against Confirmation in the , Netter’s extensive reply, and puts them into context, noting that both were rehearsing earlier arguments, but that differences occur in methodology, especially in Netter’s disagreement with Wyclif’s 61.1 (Jan. [“The article discusses the tenure of 14th-century English theologian and church reformer John Wycliffe as the prebend of Aust in the collegiate church of Westbury-on-Trym in Gloucestershire, England. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse 3, Folge 179. While it is possible that some changes were made for ideological reasons, on the whole, changes made with regard to “sensitive matters” stressed the “nature of the poem as a poem” (10).] Peck, Russell. The text survives in seven fifteenthcentury religious miscellanies, ranging from predominantly Lollard collections to those with primarily mainstream texts. [Biller examines the heresies of Languedoc, via several question lists use to interrogate suspected Waldensians, in order to uncover the motivations of the questioners; the nature of the 26 (1995): 135-52. Such concerns culminated in Aquinas’s “rhetorical” sensibility, his engagements with “rational persuasion,” his concern with effective methods of disputation with heretics and infidels and his appreciation of the value of “rationes” in theological discourse.] —. Medieval drama, then, stemmed from a more vernacular tradition than previously acknowledged-one developed by England’s laity outside the boundaries of clerical rule. [This book is about the place of pedagogy and the role of intellectuals in medieval dissent. In order to gain a more complete understanding of Wyclif’s views one must study his place within the exegetical tradition of such important biblical passages as Matthew 16.18-19 and Galatians 2.11-14.” —. is that Wyclif consistently championed the role of the theologian, as opposed to the canon lawyer, in determining questions of papal aptitude. According to the abstract, “What separated them was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. In the 1530s the English reformers used the commonplace in similar ways, but by the 1540s they had rejected it altogether. [Most research on Lollard writings has been targeted at the Wycliffite Bible, the sermons, to the detriment of shorter treatises. [According to Peiloka, “This articles discusses the Middle English tables of lections (tabulae lectionun, capitularis lists of periocopes) – liturgical referential tools found in almost one hundred later-fourteenth / early-fifteenth-century manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible. “Tables of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” Poleg and Light 351-378. “Manuscript Paratexts in the Making” British Library MS Harley 6333 as a Liturgical Compilation.” Corbellini, Hoogvliet, and Ramakers 44-67. “Antiquity, Eternity, and the Foundations of Authority: Reflections on a Debate between John Wyclif and John Kenningham, O. London: Society for the Promoting of Christian Knowledge, 1884. Her study emphasizes the development of Christocentric piety during the period, and how this “intersected with the devotional needs of a parish religion in which mystical ecstasy, and ideas of the individual as the bride of Christ, were less important than the pastorally inspired concerns of moral teaching [ . She uses Churchwardens’ accounts, chapel wall paintings, and contemporary texts as sources. Falstaff, Martin Marprelate, and the Staging of Puritanism.” . [This volume was published to coincide with the anniversary of the 1604 Hampton Court conference, which decided to create the King James translation. It has generally been taken for granted that the Lollards were unimportant and possessed little or no influence. [This is a general introduction to Wyclif and Lollardy. Rex controversially argues that Wyclif and the Lollards were far less important than historians and literary critics have often claimed.”] —. From the abstract: “This article re-examines the record and argues that it has been misread. [Discusses the development of medieval commentary about women’s preaching, some of which are contradictory, and how this influences depictions in saint’s lives and by Wycliffites.] Block, Edward A. “The Issue of Theological Style in Late Medieval Disputations.” 5 (2002): 1-21. Of special interest here is a chapter on the , he provocatively follows a line of reasoning instanced in multiple Wycliffite tracts on translation. Drawing on pedagogical theorists such as Freire and Giroux as well as a wealth of later medieval texts, Copeland shows how teachers radically transformed inherited ideas about classrooms and pedagogy as they brought their teaching to adult learners. “John Wyclif on Papal Election, Correction, and Deposition.” 69 (2007): 141-85. Because Holy Scripture formed, for Wyclif, the sole foundation of Christian society, it would fall to the magister sacrae paginae to render authoritative decisions on ecclesiastical governance” (141-42). Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. “A Manuscript of the First Wycliffite Translation of the Bible.” . The English reformers, however, did more than merely reject Gregory as an authority. Peikola examines one form of tract, the catalogue, listing 22 different catalogues, discussing their structure, lexical markings, types, audiences, and their similarities to scholastic, judicial, and legislative textual practices. The major part of the article surveys variation in the form and content of the tables, serving the needs of genre description and paving the way for further textual scholarship (a preliminary list of the Wycliffite tables is presented in Appendix A). [One of several derivative biographies published on the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death. The volume includes a helpful index of “Churchwardens’ accounts before 1570.”] Peterson, Kate Oelzner. “Sowing Difficulty: The Parson’s Tale, Vernacular Commentary, and The Nature of Chaucerian Dissent.” 25 (2004): 299-330. Price and Ryrie attend to both stylistic and political arguments that arose over Biblical translation between the late fourteenth and early seventeenth centuries.] Pyper, Rachel. [Concludes that Chaucer uses the Wycliffite translation, but see also Holton, “Which Bible did Chaucer Use? When all the information on the movement which we possess, however, is brought together, one cannot but feel that they had a greater influence on their own time than has heretofore been allowed: Not only did the early reformers consider them very important, but today also, in spite of predilections for economic interpretations of history, they must be regarded as one of the important sources of the Scottish Reformation.”] Renna, Thomas. It contains chapters on “Wyclif and his Theology,” the “Early diffusion of Lollardy,” “Survival and Revival,” and “From Lollardy to Protestantism.” In the process, “whilst endorsing the traditional view that Lollardy was indeed the lay face of Wycliffism, . Far from being a Lollard minister, it suggests, Ramsbury was nothing but a confidence trickster. Wimpheling’s sensitivity regarding the persuasive value of dialectic is complemented by passages in Erasmus which emphasise continuity rather than conflict between the methods of argumentation used by patristic and medieval theologians in their encounters with heresy.] —. as Disputation.” Bergström-Allen and Copsey 233-448. [Noting that Netter follows a “pioneering approach” to commentary that relies on contextualizing patristic authorities, Bose also says that Netter “implicitly invites readers to check and appraise, rather than merely to simply endorse, his use of sources,” and thereby lays “the foundations of a more radical critical inquiry” (234). The fifth chapter studies Pecock’s views on the best way to educate the lay reader to ensure the most stability, spiritual profit, and harmony within the community, focusing on the way Pecock structures his works to facilitate the integration of various groups in the community through the progress and evolution of the lay reader.”] Campbell, Kirsty. Campbell’s book will be of interest to scholars and students of medieval literature and culture, especially those interested in fifteenth-century religious history and culture.”] Campi, Luigi. His doing so was a necessity: after all, if the surviving MSS are any indication, his 17 (2003): 25-54. [The essay describes a shift in the fifteenth century from the pastoral to the secular in the advice offered to bishops, creating “what might be called in some instances a ‘mirror for bishops’ tradition.” Cole addresses Wycliffite advice literature, claiming that it combines pastoral and secular advice traditions. It explores the sacrament of baptism and its association to orthodoxy, Wycliffism and sacramental utterance. “A Contextualized Wyclif: Magister Sacrae Paginae.” Bose and Hornbeck 121-134. Nissé focuses in particular on how theater translates the temporal ideas of textual exegesis into spatial models and politics. Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1986. “The Chronology of Wyclif’s English Sermons.” 40 (2009): 387-410. “Reginald Pecock’s Vernacular Voice.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 217-236. The article, then, concentrates “on examining more fully the methodological implications of Netter’s commitment to a fully contextualized reading of his patristic authorities” (234). Chapter three analyzes Pecock’s position on the controversial issue of lay Bible reading, highlighting his efforts to draw readers away from the Lollard textual community into a new community structured around the authoritative book of reason. “‘Iusti sunt omnia’: Note a margine del ‘De statu innocencie’ di John Wyclif.” (c. Here Wyclif paints the features of man in the Edenic state, connecting them to some remarkable themes concerning nature, dominion, grace and free will. [This essay, a contribution to a special section on “Langland and Lollardy,” argues that Langland engages with “lollard” genres in order to think through critiques of theoretical poverty. More broadly, however, he argues that study of ecclesiastical humanism raises questions about the relevance of “the Wycliffite paradigm” in the latter half of the fifteenth century.] Coleman, Janet. [“The article focuses on the poem “Saint Erkenwald” . Additionally, it presents the discovery of a sarcophagus containing an inexplicably preserved corpse. [Levy describes Wyclif’s views on the authority of scripture, the nature of the literal sense, and the relationship between personal piety and exegesis as typical of late medieval theologians. She situates medieval drama, therefore, both in its vernacular literary setting, as a genre composed against the same cultural background as is a study of the interpretation of the Bible in the late Middle Ages. [A detailed discussion that starts with Biblical scholarship, and moves to ways in which biblical knowledge was disseminated to the laity during the century, including the Wycliffite translation along with private devotions and sermons. [Otto discusses how Giles of Rome and John Wyclif developed Augustine’s ecclesiology, especially ideas from City of God, into two contrasting arguments about the institutional church’s authority.] Overstreet, Samuel A. “‘Antichrist’ bei Wyclif.” Patschovsky and Šmahel 83-98. and Wycliffite writings in light of Langland’s B-C revisions. [Abstract:” This article examines the contents and manuscript contexts of the Lollard treatise ‘A Schort Reule of Lif’ to show how Lollards participated in mainstream religious trends and more orthodox Christians utilized a Lollard text that appealed to their common interests. Since these bibliographies are meant to be complete listings of texts and studies relevant to Wycliffism, please let us know of any new references which should be included. The study has two parts: 1) Starting from Wyclif’s fivefold propositional typology—including a propositio realis (real proposition) and a sic esse sicut propositio significat (a fact)—we will analyse (a) the three different kinds of real predication, (b) the distinction between primary and secondary signification of propositions (the latter being an instantiation of the former) and (c) the status of logical truth as opposed to (but depending on) metaphysical truth. “John Ball’s Letters: Literary History and Historical Literature.” Hanawalt 176-200. This shows that Lollard influence on Gaunt, or at least on his extended household, lasted longer than has sometimes been supposed.] Green, Samuel Gosnell. Heresy was but one response to what were perceived as problems of the late Medieval spirituality; the church of York offered its own response to those problems. The article includes extensive discussion of the cross and its relation to affective devotion.] Harper-Bill, Christopher. In point of fact, however, Wyclif’s understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study.” The purpose of Levy’s essay, in which he considers earlier work by Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, “is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif’s soteriology in its many facets. of such doctrine from Wyclif’s Latin works to the vernacular records of fifteenth-century heresy trials, we may perhaps gain a little insight into how certain men and women, from East Anglia and Kent, sought to theorize the business of love and marriage in light of a version of Christianity which combined a strong predestinarian impulse with a strict puritanism in sexual matters” (190). Aristotle recognises that we can talk about substances in many different ways; we can introduce them by using ‘substantial’ names, but also by using names derived from the substances’ accidental features. [Steiner concentrates on the so-called “Long” and “Short Charters of Christ.” She argues that “late medieval preachers and polemicists used documents, both fictive and real, to challenge orthodox notions of textual authority and to produce an oppositional rhetoric.